英语翻译By the end of the 1960s,however,the Chinese had concluded that the international isolation produced by the Cultural Revolution was becoming increasingly dangerous.Throughout the latter part of the decade both China and the Soviet Union ha

英语翻译By the end of the 1960s,however,the Chinese had concluded that the international isolation produced by the Cultural Revolution was becoming increasingly dangerous.Throughout the latter part of the decade both China and the Soviet Union ha
英语翻译
By the end of the 1960s,however,the Chinese had concluded that the international isolation produced by the Cultural Revolution was becoming increasingly dangerous.Throughout the latter part of the decade both China and the Soviet Union had reinforced the military forces deployed along their common frontier ,thus introduces polemical conflict.in1969,the two sides engaged in serious armed clashes over several small islands in the Ussuri River .which separates Chinese Manchuria from Soviet Siberia,as well as at other points along their disputed frontier ,those clashes,plus the precedent of the Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia in August 1968 ,raised the possibility of a large-scale Soviet attack against China in the name of preserving socialism in Peking .
At the same time,the Chinese also concluded that the changing fortunes of the Vietnam War had produced a major shift in the international balance of power away from the United States and toward the Soviet Union .by late 1968,it was clear to the Chinese leadership that the United States was losing its struggle in Vietnam and had decided to disengage from the conflict.And a new American administration,under Richard Nixo,seemed willing to seek an accommodation with Peking as a means to bolster its deteriorating strategic position.
In this context,China began to redefine its foreign policy,taking three initiatives in the early 1970s that departed sharply from the isolation and radicalism of the Cultural Revolution First,over the opposition of some of China’s military commanders,as well as the radicals who had come to prominence during the Cultural Revolution,Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai began to explore the possibility of improved elations with the United States,in order not only to stabilize the situation along the Sino-Soviet frontier but also to create a new global alignment to contain a Soviet Union that was rapidly becoming more ambitious and more powerful,The Sino-American rapprochement,symbolized by President Nixon’s visit to Peking in February 1972,was hindered by remaining differences between the two countries over Taiwan,and by disagreements over the desirability of détente with the Soviet Union .Nonetheless,while China continued with the Soviet Union.Nonetheless,while China continued to describe the United States as a ‘hegemonic’ and an ‘imperialist’ power,it in fact began to tilt toward Washington in a partial alignment against the Soviet Union
Second,again over the opposition of radical leaders at home,Peking abandoned the radicalism that had served it so poorly throughout the 1960s in favor of a kind of international reformism more in harmony with the thinking of most Third World governments.China greatly reduced –although it did not yet completely eliminate –its support for leftist insurgencies and revolutionary movements abroad,even going so far as to condemn some of them as reflecting ultraleftist,‘Trotskyist’ tendencies.Instead of an international revolution,Peking began to support Third World demands for a ‘New International Economic Order’ and expressed its willingness to work with established governments in the developing world to achieve such reforms.Rather than denouncing the United Nations,as it had done in the 1960s,China accepted its seat in 1971 quickly and with expressions of gratitude.

英语翻译By the end of the 1960s,however,the Chinese had concluded that the international isolation produced by the Cultural Revolution was becoming increasingly dangerous.Throughout the latter part of the decade both China and the Soviet Union ha
到去年底,20世纪60年代,不过,中国人的结论是,国际上的孤立所产生的文化革命正在变得越来越危险.整个后者十年的一部分,中国和苏联加强了军事部署的部队沿共同边界,因此介绍论辩conflict.in1969 ,双方进行了认真的武装冲过去几个小岛,在乌苏里江流域.隔开中国满洲从苏联西伯利亚,以及在其他各点沿其有争议的边境,这些冲突,再加上的先例,苏联干预捷克斯洛伐克在1968年8月,提出了一种可能性,一个大型的苏联攻击中国的名义维护社会主义在北平.
在此同时,中国还得出结论认为,改变命运的越南战争产生了重大转变,在国际力量的平衡,远离美国和对苏联的.去年底,1968年,但可以清楚地向中国领导人说,美国正在失去它的斗争,在越南,并已决定脱离冲突.一个新的美国政府,根据理查德nixo ,似乎愿意寻求与北京作为一种手段,以强化其不断恶化的战略地位.
在此背景下,中国开始重新确定其外交政策时,采取三项举措,在1970年代初期即离开大幅隔离和激进主义的文化革命第一,在反对中国的一些军事指挥官,以及激进曾来突出文化大革命期间,毛泽东,周恩来开始探索的可能性,提高了欺骗性与美国,以便不仅稳定了局势,沿中苏边境,而且要创造一个新的全球路线遏制苏联即迅速变得雄心勃勃,功能更强大,中美关系修好,其标志是由尼克松总统的访问北京,1972年2月,受到阻碍,其余两国间的分歧也超过台湾,由歧见可取的缓和与苏联.尽管如此,中国则继续与苏联.尽管如此,而中国继续来形容美国作为一个'霸权'和'帝国主义'的权力,它事实上就开始倾斜,华盛顿在一个局部的调整对苏联
第二,再次超过反对党激进领袖在家中,北平放弃极端主义已送达这么差在整个20世纪60年代,主张一种国际改良主义更加和谐与思想的大多数第三世界国家的政府.中国大大降低了-虽然它尚未完全消除-支持左派叛乱和革命运动在国外,甚至传出,要谴责他们中的一些人反映的极左派,'托派'的倾向.而不是一个国际革命,北平开始支持第三世界国家的需求,『新的国际经济秩序' ,并表示愿意与各国政府建立了在发展中世界,而要达到这样的改革.而不是谴责联合国,因为它已经做了,在六七十年代,中国接受其所在地,在1971年迅速和表达感激之情.

到去年底， 20世纪60年代，不过，中国人的结论是，国际上的孤立所产生的文化革命正在变得越来越危险。整个后者十年的一部分，中国和苏联加强了军事部署的部队沿共同边界，因此介绍论辩conflict.in1969 ，双方进行了认真的武装冲过去几个小岛，在乌苏里江流域。隔开中国满洲从苏联西伯利亚，以及在其他各点沿其有争议的边境，这些冲突，再加上的先例，苏联干预捷克斯洛伐克在1968年8月，提出了一种可能性...

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到去年底， 20世纪60年代，不过，中国人的结论是，国际上的孤立所产生的文化革命正在变得越来越危险。整个后者十年的一部分，中国和苏联加强了军事部署的部队沿共同边界，因此介绍论辩conflict.in1969 ，双方进行了认真的武装冲过去几个小岛，在乌苏里江流域。隔开中国满洲从苏联西伯利亚，以及在其他各点沿其有争议的边境，这些冲突，再加上的先例，苏联干预捷克斯洛伐克在1968年8月，提出了一种可能性，一个大型的苏联攻击中国的名义维护社会主义在北平。
在此同时，中国还得出结论认为，改变命运的越南战争产生了重大转变，在国际力量的平衡，远离美国和对苏联的。去年底， 1968年，但可以清楚地向中国领导人说，美国正在失去它的斗争，在越南，并已决定脱离冲突。一个新的美国政府，根据理查德nixo ，似乎愿意寻求与北京作为一种手段，以强化其不断恶化的战略地位。
在此背景下，中国开始重新确定其外交政策时，采取三项举措，在1970年代初期即离开大幅隔离和激进主义的文化革命第一，在反对中国的一些军事指挥官，以及激进曾来突出文化大革命期间，毛泽东，周恩来开始探索的可能性，提高了欺骗性与美国，以便不仅稳定了局势，沿中苏边境，而且要创造一个新的全球路线遏制苏联即迅速变得雄心勃勃，功能更强大，中美关系修好，其标志是由尼克松总统的访问北京， 1972年2月，受到阻碍，其余两国间的分歧也超过台湾，由歧见可取的缓和与苏联。尽管如此，中国则继续与苏联。尽管如此，而中国继续来形容美国作为一个'霸权'和'帝国主义'的权力，它事实上就开始倾斜，华盛顿在一个局部的调整对苏联
问题补充：第二，再次超过反对党激进领袖在家中，北平放弃极端主义已送达这么差在整个20世纪60年代，主张一种国际改良主义更加和谐与思想的大多数第三世界国家的政府。中国大大降低了-虽然它尚未完全消除-支持左派叛乱和革命运动在国外，甚至传出，要谴责他们中的一些人反映的极左派， '托派'的倾向。而不是一个国际革命，北平开始支持第三世界国家的需求， 『新的国际经济秩序' ，并表示愿意与各国政府建立了在发展中世界，而要达到这样的改革。而不是谴责联合国，因为它已经做了，在六七十年代，中国接受其所在地，在1971年迅速和表达感激之情。

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